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<p>REDD+ is a multilevel endeavour. Global demands, national and subnational structures and local people’s needs and aspirations must all be linked in efforts to reduce emissions from deforestation and forest degradation. We use B...
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<p>REDD+ is a multilevel endeavour. Global demands, national and subnational structures and local people’s needs and aspirations must all be linked in efforts to reduce emissions from deforestation and forest degradation. We use Brockhaus and Angelsen’s (2012) framework of Institutions, Interests, Information and Ideas (4Is) to analyse the multilevel governance of REDD+ through one of its core elements: measurement, reporting and verification. We present the multilevel dimensions of REDD+ and the risks if they are disregarded. We analyse the flow and interplay of information, institutions and interests across levels in REDD+ measurement, reporting and verification and examine which multilevel governance mechanisms enable this flow. To support our analysis, we provide anecdotal evidence of challenges and opportunities from three countries: Brazil, Vietnam and Indonesia. Our analysis shows that it is essential to enhance and harmonize information flows between local and national levels for measurement, reporting and verification to be accountable. Furthermore, sound information flows between levels can increase the negotiation power of disadvantaged groups and ensure a more effective, efficient and equitable REDD+. To reduce the risk of conflict, REDD+ multilevel governance systems must match incentives and interests with transparent institutions. Effective multilevel governance mechanisms, such as novel cross-scale institutional arrangements, uniform regulations on the rights, responsibilities and procedures for monitoring information flows, and participation across levels, will provide tools for both information flow and greater matching of different interests across levels.</p>
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The Scottish Government represents an important new 'venue' for group influence and provides a strong incentive for interest groups to engage. A large number have exploited this new opportunity. The devolution of powers to a Scott...
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The Scottish Government represents an important new 'venue' for group influence and provides a strong incentive for interest groups to engage. A large number have exploited this new opportunity. The devolution of powers to a Scottish Parliament in 1999 followed a century of administrative devolution in areas such as health, education, local government and justice. Many Scottish groups have long histories, and there is evidence of distinct territorial policy communities before 1999 in some areas-but devolution provided a new frame of reference for policy-making and a strong impetus to organise at this level. Factors such as Scotland's size, and the Scottish Government's limited policy-making capacity, have produced a 'Scottish Policy Style', in which groups and government interact in distinctive ways. However, this development is complicated by the multi-level nature of policy-making, producing the need for many groups to organise and lobby at local, Scottish, UK and/or EU levels. The devolution of economic policy, and the prospect of territorial corporatism, is limited. The picture varies markedly from issue to issue, from areas such as compulsory education producing Scotland and local-level relationships to agriculture and environmental policy in which key decisions are made by the EU for the UK and Scotland to implement.
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Research on urban service delivery strategies lacks a multilevel approach able to account for the influence of authority structures on effective reform. A comparative analysis of efforts to increase recycled wastewater production ...
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Research on urban service delivery strategies lacks a multilevel approach able to account for the influence of authority structures on effective reform. A comparative analysis of efforts to increase recycled wastewater production in the United States (specifically California) and Australia is used to evaluate the effectiveness of centralized and decentralized urban governance systems in reform efforts and, more importantly, the institutional and political mechanisms underlying these differences. The results show that Australia, with a more centralized system, has more effectively set and implemented an urban water governance agenda that includes recycled urban wastewater. However, in both places local resistance has been a barrier to effective change. These findings demonstrate that reform capacity and policy success may differ between governance systems while common barriers and political dynamics persist.
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Modern states are organized in multilevel governance structures with economic and political authorities dispersed across them. However, although there is relatively widespread consensus that this form of organization is preferable...
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Modern states are organized in multilevel governance structures with economic and political authorities dispersed across them. However, although there is relatively widespread consensus that this form of organization is preferable to a centralized authority, the same cannot be said about its jurisdictional design - that is, how to transfer authority from central states to both supra- and subnational levels. This lack of consensus also exists in contexts with explicit initiatives to strengthen political ties such as the European Union (EU), and even within EU member countries, a situation which is aggravated by the relative scarcity of contributions that measure the advantages and disadvantages of different territorial organizations. We explore these issues through a study of one EU country, Spain, whose provincial councils (diputaciones) are often the subject of debate and controversy due to their contribution to increasing public spending and their purported inefficiencies, corruption and lack of transparency. Specifically, we combine a variety of activity analysis techniques to evaluate how they impact on local government performance. Results suggest that, in general, the presence of a provincial council has a positive impact on local government performance, but when their activity levels are too high, the effect can become pernicious.
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In our 2005 paper, Rethinking Sustainable Cities, we made a case for the increasing significance of climate change in the urban politics of sustain-ability. Taking a multilevel governance perspective, we argued that the 'urban' go...
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In our 2005 paper, Rethinking Sustainable Cities, we made a case for the increasing significance of climate change in the urban politics of sustain-ability. Taking a multilevel governance perspective, we argued that the 'urban' governance of climate protection was not confined to a local arena or to the actions of the state, but rather was orchestrated through the interrelations between global, national and local actors across state/non-state boundaries. We revisit these arguments and examine their validity in the light of the rapidly changing landscape of urban responses to climate change and the growing academic literature in this field. We consider in turn: the ways in which climate change is shaping urban agendas; the utility of multilevel governance perspectives for understanding this phenomenon; and the extent to which we can identify a 'new' politics of urban climate change governance and its consequent implications for the development of theory and practice in this field.
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In this paper we explore the tensions in metropolitan-level governance between strategic planning and desires for political decentralisation. We do this through a three-part analysis. First, we focus on the 2008 election strategy ...
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In this paper we explore the tensions in metropolitan-level governance between strategic planning and desires for political decentralisation. We do this through a three-part analysis. First, we focus on the 2008 election strategy of Boris Johnson to become Mayor of London, with its aim of gaining suburban votes and giving more autonomy to the local borough level. We then look at the impacts of this campaign on electoral results; and, finally, we look at the outcome of the Outer London Commission, which was set up by the Mayor after the election to deal with strategic issues concerning London's suburbs. We rind that a strategic intent to benefit suburban residents and the decentralisation of power to the boroughs are contradictory and have led to a policy stalemate.
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To what extent do interest groups adapt to a changing institutional environment? That is the central question of this article. Keating [2014. Introduction: rescaling interests, Territory, Politics, Governance 2(3)] distinguishes t...
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To what extent do interest groups adapt to a changing institutional environment? That is the central question of this article. Keating [2014. Introduction: rescaling interests, Territory, Politics, Governance 2(3)] distinguishes three drivers that can force interest groups to rescale: a functional, an identitarian and an institutional driver. The focus of this article is on the last driver of rescaling and on the assumption that interest groups increasingly operate on a regional scale when regional governments acquire more power. This 'isomorphism hypothesis' is tested by analysing the adaptation of the principal labour and business groups in Belgium. We found that in Belgium, this hypothesis only accounts for a number of cases. The Belgian rescaling process is not only the result of institutional changes but also a response to economic differences between Flanders and Wallonia, as well as to the increasing salience of the language cleavage. Groups were rescaling even before the gradual federalization of the state started, but federalization has accentuated this process.
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In this paper, I look at how subnational policies in the United States are interacting with policy making at the federal level to address the issue of global climate change. I focus on a coordinated attempt to get the national gov...
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In this paper, I look at how subnational policies in the United States are interacting with policy making at the federal level to address the issue of global climate change. I focus on a coordinated attempt to get the national government to fund local efforts to address climate change. Although local climate initiatives in the US were successfully translated into a national policy to support these local efforts, their implementation through hybrid arrangements that are being formed between business and local governmental actors will potentially create additional challenges to federal policy making. I introduce the notion of boomerang federalism, which builds on the extant research on federalism and vertical policy integration, to explain the process through which local efforts mobilize initiatives at the national level that, in turn, provide support for the local initiatives themselves. Reviewing the implementation process of this effort, I discuss the ways that businesses are working alongside local governments to address climate change.
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Environmental governance in complex social-ecological systems involves multiple actors and institutions that interact across scales. Where hierarchical authority to command is lacking, actors may rely on resource sharing to steer ...
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Environmental governance in complex social-ecological systems involves multiple actors and institutions that interact across scales. Where hierarchical authority to command is lacking, actors may rely on resource sharing to steer actions across the landscape and reduce scale mismatch. An important resource for such cross-scale steering is scientific information. This study examines how actors in local collaborative organizations share and use scientific information across multiple parts of a polycentric governance system. Interviews from efforts in the Puget Sound, USA, to incorporate scientific information across scales reveal patterns in horizontal and vertical information sharing, the role of knowledge brokers, and scale mismatches in spatial scale and theory vs applied research. Results indicate collaborative group members frequently access scientific findings horizontally through their networks of contacts and conference attendance, as well as through document searches for journal articles and government reports. Vertical transmission relies more on knowledge brokers and guidance documents. The use of scientific findings by local collaborative organizations depends on the biophysical and political context, and there is often tension between scientific rigor and local applicability.
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This article sets out a conceptual basis for measuring regional authority and engages basic measurement issues. Regional authority is disaggregated into two domains (self-rule and shared rule) and these are operationalised in eigh...
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This article sets out a conceptual basis for measuring regional authority and engages basic measurement issues. Regional authority is disaggregated into two domains (self-rule and shared rule) and these are operationalised in eight dimensions. The article concludes by examining the robustness of this measure across alternative measurement assumptions.
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